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McCain nói về châu Á

29 Tháng 5 2008 - Cập nhật 10h20 GMT

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB121183670827020887.html?mod=opinion_main_commentarie


	Hai Thượng nghị sĩ Joseph Lieberman và John McCain

Nhìn về Á châu, ứng viên tổng thống Mỹ John McCain đánh giá cao các đồng minh truyền thống nhưng cũng tin vào quan hệ đối tác với Việt Nam.

Trong bài viết mới nhất đứng tên cùng Thượng nghị sĩ đảng Dân Chủ Joseph Lieberman, ông McCain, Thượng nghị sĩ đảng Cộng hòa đã trình bày chính sách châu Á của mình.

Bài “Renewing America’s Asia Policy” đăng trong mục Ý kiến trên Wall Street Journal gần như dự báo ông McCain sẽ làm gì nếu trúng cử tổng thống.

Trước hết, ông nói Hoa Kỳ cần “làm mới lại chính sách châu Á” để nắm bắt các cơ hội vì an ninh, thịnh vượng và tự do.

Xác định Hoa Kỳ là một quốc gia chia sẻ biển Thái Bình Dương với châu Á, bài viết cho rằng Mỹ cần có “sự lãnh đạo mạnh mẽ” trong chính sách khu vực.

Bác bỏ xu hướng cô lập vốn từng có vị trí trong đối ngoại Mỹ, hai ông McCain và Lieberman muốn thúc đẩy tính quốc tế của quan hệ vùng.

Các quan hệ đối tác đầy hứa hẹn đã được gây dựng những năm qua với các nước bạn như Ấn Độ, Việt Nam và Indonesia.

John McCain và Joseph Lieberman

Về cơ bản, họ muốn Hoa Kỳ tiếp tục dựa vào các đồng minh truyền thống như Nhật Bản, Hàn Quốc, Úc và Singapore.

Bên cạnh đó, “các quan hệ đối tác đầy hứa hẹn được gây dựng những năm qua với các nước bạn như Ấn Độ, Việt Nam và Indonesia” cũng được nêu bật.

Điều đáng chú ý là thứ tự tên các quốc gia John McCain và Joseph Lieberman nêu ra.

Trong các “nước bạn Đông Nam Á” chỉ có Singapore được nêu tên cụ thể.

Bài viết đề nghị Hoa Kỳ dựa vào các quan hệ đồng minh và đối tác để “quản trị các vấn đề khu vực và toàn cầu.”

Làm gì với Trung Quốc?

Hai tác giả cho rằng Hoa Kỳ chia sẻ với Trung Quốc quan ngại về các chủ đề toàn cầu như thay đổi khí hậu, thương mại và ngăn chặn việc phổ biến vũ khí.

Nhưng các chính sách của Trung Quốc như quân sự hóa nhanh, thiếu tự do chính trị và quan hệ thân cận với các chế độ Sudan và Miến Điện đang “làm mất uy tín hệ thống quốc tế.”

Vì thế, bài viết nói tân Tổng thống Mỹ phải kiến tạo quan hệ dựa trên những điểm cùng chia sẻ với Trung Quốc nhưng cũng xây dựng liên minh mạnh với các nước châu Á để “sẵn sàng nói thẳng với Bắc Kinh khi họ không chịu hành xử có trách nhiệm.”

Quan trọng hơn, hai vị thượng nghị sĩ tin rằng các liên minh của Hoa Kỳ ở châu Á - Thái Bình Dương cần được chỉ đạo bằng các giá trị và tiêu chuẩn dân chủ, chứ không phải nhờ sự lèo lái quyền lợi.


	Chủ tịch Hồ Cẩm Đào đón Tổng thống Nga Dmitry Medvedev thăm Bắc Kinh

Họ cũng cho rằng xu hướng dân chủ hóa là tất yếu và nêu ra ví dụ rằng 65 năm trước, cả khu vực mới chỉ có hai nước dân chủ là Úc và New Zealand.

Nay thì “có nhiều người dân sống trong các nền dân chủ ở châu Á hơn bất cứ nơi nào trên thế giới”, với các ví dụ nổi bật là Nhật Bản và Ấn Độ.

Trong một điểm như gián tiếp chỉ trích chính quyền Mỹ hiện thời, hai ông McCain và Lieberman nói nước Mỹ trong tương lai không phải cứ làm gì mình muốn.

Trái lại, sức mạnh của Hoa Kỳ, theo họ, là biết bảo vệ các tiêu chuẩn chung và lắng nghe, thuyết phục các nước bạn.

Họ cũng muốn Hoa Kỳ đóng góp phần trách nhiệm vào các vấn đề chung như thay đổi khí hậu, để qua đó có thể thuyết phục các nước khác.

Tổng kết lại, bài viết cho rằng Hoa Kỳ cần xây dựng các liên minh và đối tác dựa trên sự tin cậy lẫn nhau, dựa trên cam kết an ninh của Mỹ, niềm tin vào quá trình hội nhập, các cơ hội kinh tế và tính kiên định về các nguyên tắc của nước Mỹ.

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OPINION

Renewing America's Asia Policy

By JOHN MCCAIN and JOSEPH LIEBERMAN
FROM TODAY'S WALL STREET JOURNAL ASIA
May 27, 2008

The resurgence of Asia is one of the epochal events of our time. It is a renaissance that is not only transforming the face of this vast region, but throwing open new opportunities for billions of people on both sides of the Pacific -- Americans and Asians alike -- to build a safer, more prosperous and freer world.

[Renewing America's Asia Policy]

David Gothard

Seizing these opportunities, however, will require strong American leadership and an unequivocal American commitment to Asia, whose fate is increasingly inseparable from our own. It requires internationalism rather than isolationism, and free trade rather than protectionism. When our friends and allies in the Asia-Pacific region think of the future, they should expect more -- not less -- attention, investment and cooperation from the highest levels of the U.S. government.

Fortunately, the next American president will inherit a set of alliances and friendships in Asia that are already in good shape. At a time when America's popularity has declined in many regions, Asia stands as an exception. Polls show that the United States enjoys more support in Japan, South Korea, China and India than it did in 2000. Our core alliances with Japan, South Korea and Australia have never been stronger; relations with old friends in Southeast Asia like Singapore are excellent; and promising partnerships have been forged in recent years with friends like India, Vietnam and Indonesia.

The next president must expand on these achievements with an ambitious, focused agenda to further strengthen and deepen these relationships. Putting our alliances first, and bringing our friends into greater partnership in the management of both regional and global affairs, is key to meeting the collective challenges we face in a changing Asia and in a changing world. For the same reason, the U.S. must also participate more actively in Asian regional organizations.

America must likewise get its relationship with China right. China's double-digit growth rates have brought hundreds of millions out of poverty and energized the economies of its neighbors. The U.S. shares common interests with China that can form the basis of a strong partnership on issues of global concern, including climate change, trade and proliferation. But China's rapid military modernization, mercantilist economic practices, lack of political freedom and close relations with regimes like Sudan and Burma undermine the very international system on which its rise depends. The next American president must build on the areas of overlapping interest to forge a more durable U.S.-China relationship. Doing so will require strong alliances with other Asian nations and a readiness to speak openly with Beijing when it fails to behave as a responsible stakeholder.

American leadership is also needed on North Korea. We must use the leverage available from the U.N. Security Council resolution passed after Pyongyang's 2006 nuclear test to ensure the full and complete declaration, disablement and irreversible dismantlement of its nuclear facilities, in a verifiable manner, which we agreed to with the other members of the six-party talks. We must reinvigorate the trilateral coordination process with Japan and South Korea. And we must never squander the trust of our allies and the respect for our highest office by promising that the president will embark on an open-ended, unconditional personal negotiation with a dictator responsible for running an international criminal enterprise, a covert nuclear weapons program and a massive system of gulags.

America's Asia-Pacific alliances are also dependent on maintaining peace and stability in neighboring regions that affect Asian security -- particularly the Middle East. Top leaders in Asia have warned that a precipitous American retreat from Iraq would empower al Qaeda in its global terror campaign and badly undermine America's position in Asia. We should listen to them. American success in Iraq will reinforce American leadership in Asia and stability there; American defeat and retreat will jeopardize them.

Another objective of the next American president must be to deepen America's economic partnerships in Asia. U.S. trade with Asia has tripled over the past 15 years, creating millions of new jobs for Americans and elevating millions of Asians into middle-class consumers. Unfortunately, some American politicians are preying on the fears stoked by Asia's dynamism. Rather than investing in American innovation and entrepreneurship, they instead propose throwing up protectionist walls that will leave us all worse off.

This is profoundly irresponsible. The U.S. has never won respect or created jobs by retreating from free trade, and we cannot start doing so now.

* * *

Ultimately, America's alliances in the Asia-Pacific region are guided by more than the pursuit of shifting alignments of interest. Rather, our leadership in the region is rooted in the norms and values we hold in common with the region's great democracies.

Sixty-five years ago, there were only two Asia-Pacific democracies: Australia and New Zealand. Today, more people live under democratic government in Asia than in any other part of the world. Japan's leaders have spoken eloquently about the importance of democracy in Asia. India's prime minister has called liberal democracy "the natural order of social and political organization in today's world."

We agree. No nation holds a monopoly on the insight that all men and women are created equal and endowed with certain inalienable rights. These are not only universal truths; they are also the indispensable bedrock for the shared prosperity and stability we all desire. That is precisely why the U.S. and its allies must work together to put these norms at the center of our international system.

America itself must be a responsible stakeholder in that system, and a good global citizen. American power does not mean we can do whatever we want, whenever we want. On the contrary, our position in Asia has been strongest when we have listened to our friends, and when we have worked not only to persuade them that we are right, but been willing to be persuaded that they are right. We must take seriously our responsibility to address our contribution to climate change, for instance, if we are to persuade others to take seriously their responsibilities to do the same.

This spirit of mutual respect and trust is essential to all of our alliances and partnerships in Asia -- trust in the reliability of our security commitments, trust in the integrity of our economic promises and trust in the consistency of our principles. Renewing these commitments can provide the basis for a new century of shared Asian and American prosperity, security and freedom.

Mr. McCain is a Republican senator from Arizona. Mr. Lieberman is an Independent Democratic senator from Connecticut.

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